Touadéra sworn in for third term as Central African Republic scraps limits and leans on foreign forces

Under a blazing sun at Bangui’s Barthélémy-Boganda sports complex, Faustin-Archange Touadéra placed his right hand on a Bible, raised the other toward the stands and pledged to “scrupulously observe the Constitution” and ensure the “well-being of the people of the Central African Republic.”

Around 20,000 people filled the stadium on March 30 as the 68-year-old was sworn in for a third consecutive term as president, extending a tenure that began a decade ago in a country still emerging from civil war and dependent on foreign troops to maintain a fragile peace.

The ceremony—attended by several African heads of state and held under heavy security by United Nations peacekeepers and Russian personnel assigned to protect the president—capped an election and constitutional process that has fundamentally rewritten the rules of power in one of the world’s poorest and most unstable countries.

Touadéra’s new seven-year mandate follows general elections on Dec. 28, 2025, and a 2023 constitution that abolished term limits and reset the count on his time in office. Supporters say the extended term will allow him to consolidate security gains and rebuild state institutions. Opponents and many rights groups say the changes amount to an open-ended presidency in a country where independent courts, media and political parties have been steadily weakened.

A constitution tailored for a third term

Under the previous 2015 constitution, the presidency was limited to two five-year terms. Touadéra, a former mathematics professor and university rector, was first elected in 2016 and re-elected in 2020 in polls held during an armed rebellion that threatened the capital.

That framework was discarded after a constitutional referendum held on July 30, 2023. The new charter, promulgated a month later, extended presidential terms from five to seven years and removed any limit on how many times a head of state can be re-elected. It also allowed Touadéra’s previous two terms to be treated as if they did not count under the new rules.

Official results reported at the time said 95% of voters approved the new constitution on turnout of about 61%. The process followed a confrontation with the country’s top court: in 2022 the Constitutional Court had ruled against an attempt to revise term limits, prompting the government to remove its president. Critics in Bangui and abroad described that move as an effective “self-coup” that cleared the way for the referendum.

Human rights organizations reported arrests and intimidation of activists and opposition figures who campaigned against the constitutional changes. One major group said the referendum “threatens democracy” in the Central African Republic and warned that civic space was closing as the vote approached.

Despite those concerns, the new constitution entered into force on Aug. 30, 2023, opening the door to Touadéra’s candidacy in the 2025 race.

A disputed but validated election

The Dec. 28 general elections combined presidential, legislative, regional and municipal contests. According to results later confirmed by the Constitutional Court, Touadéra won the presidency with 77.9% of the vote, securing 1,005,451 ballots out of more than 1.29 million valid votes cast. Turnout was reported at 64.2% of roughly 2.4 million registered voters.

His closest rival, former Prime Minister Anicet Georges Dologuélé, finished a distant second with 13.5%. The main opposition coalition had called for a boycott, arguing that the constitutional overhaul and restrictions on campaigning made a fair contest impossible.

When provisional results were announced, some civil society activists openly questioned the scale of the victory. “You have to be a fool to believe that,” one prominent organizer said of the 77.9% figure.

Dologuélé and at least one other candidate filed legal challenges seeking to annul the election, alleging irregularities in the work of the National Elections Authority and what they described as widespread fraud. On Jan. 19, 2026, the Constitutional Court rejected the appeals, saying the plaintiffs had failed to provide sufficient evidence, and confirmed Touadéra’s win.

Dologuélé later said his party accepted the court’s decision “in a spirit of republican responsibility,” while insisting it would continue to press for what he called “electoral truth” and “respect for democratic rules.”

An African Union observer mission, which deployed dozens of monitors across the country, praised citizens and authorities for conducting a largely peaceful and orderly vote. U.N. peacekeepers from the MINUSCA mission transported voting materials and secured polling stations, particularly in remote or contested areas, as part of an election security plan coordinated with national forces.

That contrast—between relatively calm polling day procedures and allegations of a skewed playing field beforehand—has shaped reactions to Touadéra’s renewed mandate.

Power built on foreign security

Behind the political maneuvers lies a stark reality: a decade after its latest civil war erupted, the Central African Republic still relies heavily on foreign armed forces to protect its institutions and urban centers.

The conflict began in 2013, when a mostly Muslim rebel coalition known as Séléka overthrew then-President François Bozizé. Christian and animist militias known as anti-Balaka formed in response, and the country descended into brutal communal violence. Several peace attempts followed, including a 2019 agreement with 14 armed groups; at least six of those groups have since abandoned the accord.

The U.N. Security Council authorized the MINUSCA peacekeeping mission in 2014. Its current mandate allows for more than 14,000 soldiers and 3,000 police, tasked primarily with protecting civilians and supporting the political process. Peacekeepers continue to come under fire from armed groups, and several have been killed in recent years.

Alongside the U.N. mission, Russian private military contractors from the Wagner Group began operating in the Central African Republic around 2018, initially as military instructors. Their role quickly expanded to include combat operations against rebel groups, personal protection for Touadéra and his close advisers, and security for mining sites.

Wagner operatives were widely credited by government supporters with helping to repel a rebel offensive on Bangui following the 2020 election. But U.N. investigators, Western governments and human rights organizations have accused the group of serious abuses, including extrajudicial killings, enforced disappearances and torture. Mining companies linked to Wagner, such as Diamville and Midas Ressources, have been sanctioned by the European Union and the United States for alleged illegal gold and diamond trading to fund the network’s activities.

After Wagner leader Yevgeny Prigozhin was killed in a plane crash in 2023, Russia moved to place many of its overseas operations under a new structure known as Africa Corps, formally tied to the Defense Ministry. Officials and analysts say Moscow has pressed the Central African government to shift contracts from Wagner to Africa Corps and to pay higher fees, reportedly in the equivalent of billions of CFA francs, straining relations even as Russian personnel continue to provide the president’s close protection.

In Bangui, attitudes toward the Russian presence are divided. Some residents credit Russian forces with preventing a rebel takeover and say any abuses are the price of relative stability in the capital. Others accuse them of acting as an occupying force, exploiting natural resources and stifling dissent.

France inches back into a crowded field

The inauguration came just weeks after France, the former colonial power, sought to repair a relationship that has deteriorated sharply as Russian influence has grown.

French troops intervened in the Central African Republic in 2013 under Operation Sangaris to halt sectarian killings but ended that mission in 2016. Paris withdrew its remaining forces in 2022 after relations with Bangui soured amid a surge of anti-French sentiment and disinformation campaigns widely attributed to Wagner-linked networks.

In March, French Foreign Minister Jean-Noël Barrot visited Bangui for talks with Touadéra and other officials. In a joint statement, both sides spoke of launching “a vibrant new political dialogue” and deepening cooperation on governance, justice, gender equality, youth employment, environmental protection and security. French officials highlighted budgetary support provided over the past year and invited Touadéra to a regional summit in Nairobi in May.

European Union institutions, while backing renewed development aid, have maintained sanctions on Wagner-linked entities and voiced concern that unchecked foreign security partnerships and term-limit changes are undermining democratic norms in the region.

Uncertain gains for ordinary citizens

In his inauguration address, Touadéra said his government “aspires to build a sovereign economy and ensure transparent management of our natural resources,” an apparent reference to the country’s gold and diamond deposits that remain largely undeveloped or controlled through opaque deals.

Despite that wealth, the Central African Republic consistently ranks among the lowest in global development indicators. A majority of its roughly 5.3 million people depend on humanitarian assistance, according to U.N. agencies, and large parts of the countryside remain outside effective state control.

Supporters of the president argue that a longer, renewable term can provide the continuity needed to extend state authority, implement the 2019 peace agreement and negotiate better terms with foreign partners. Opponents counter that concentrating power in the presidency, weakening judicial checks and shrinking space for dissent risk fueling new grievances in a country where armed groups have repeatedly taken up arms when political avenues closed.

As the crowds filed out of the stadium in Bangui and foreign delegations returned to their hotels, Touadéra began a mandate that, under the current constitution, could be followed by as many more as he is able to win. Whether seven additional years in office bring the stability and prosperity he promised—or deepen reliance on foreign guns and contested elections—will shape not only his legacy, but the future of a state that has rarely known either peace or predictable transfers of power.